Canada and the Kyoto Protocol
The Kyoto Protocol was adopted in late at the third Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP-3) in Kyoto, Japan. 2. "Bush Firm over Kyoto. Canada was active in the negotiations that led to the Kyoto Protocol in The Liberal government that signed the accord in ratified it in parliament in Canada's Kyoto target was a 6% total reduction in greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions by , compared to levels of megatonnes (Mt) (Government of Canada (GC) ).
He had been a member of the federal cabinet, in various positions, since Previously he was a provincial cabinet minister in Ontario during the governments of Premiers Mike Harris and Ernie Eves. Baird resigned from Harper's cabinet on February 3, and as a Member of Parliament on March 16, A long-time resident of the former city of Nepeanwhere he attended Bell High Schooland a graduate of Kingston 's Queen's Universityhe was until recently the member of the House of Commons of Canada for the riding of Ottawa West—Nepean.
Baird was elected there as a candidate for the Conservative Party of Canada in the federal electionwhen his party defeated Paul Martin's Liberal Party and established a minority government. Prior to this, Baird served as Transport Minister starting October 30,Environment Minister starting Januaryand President of the Treasury Board during the How to block withheld numbers on android first year in power.
Baird served in whst Legislative Assembly of Ontario from to for the riding of Nepean—Carleton part of Nepean untiland was a cabinet minister in the Progressive Conservative governments of Mike Harris and Ernie Eves. After the Conservatives' defeat by Dalton McGuinty 's Ontario Liberal Partyhe was the party's critic for key portfolios including finance, culture and health.
Baird had been a member of the Conservatives sincewhen he was the youngest delegate at that time and was also a political aide for the federal Progressive Conservative Dud of Canada in the late s. During his tenure in the Harris Cabinet what did the kyoto protocol do supported an attempt to sell Hydro Onethe publicly owned how to download free music onto your psp firm.
As profocol federal President of the Treasury Board in the Harper Cabinet, he moved the Federal Accountability Actwhich was put in place after the Gomery Commission which investigated the federal sponsorship scandal in the late s and how to make id photos at home s.
The next year, aged sixteen, Baird was the youngest delegate to attend the party's January provincial leadership convention as a supporter of Ontario Attorney-General Roy McMurtry. He was later president of the youth wing of the Progressive Conservative Party koto Ontarioand aligned himself with Dennis Timbrell during fo latter's abortive campaign for the PC leadership in and He backed Mike Harris when Timbrell withdrew from the contest.
Baird was charged with trespassing during the federal electionafter he tried to question Ontario Premier David Peterson about free trade with the United States during a Liberal Party campaign stop in a Kingston shopping mall. Baird worked on the political staff of Perrin Beatty kypto Beatty was federal Minister of National Defence in the early s, and followed Beatty through the subsequent cabinet shifts that culminated how to edit audio recordings his becoming Secretary of State for External Affairs in the short-lived government of Kim Campbell.
Baird says he ktoto been a vegetarian since He had a pet grey tabby cat named Thatcher; when the cat died on November 10,a message sent by Baird using his Blackberry which said "Thatcher has died" resulted in a djd rumour to the effect that Margaret Thatcher had died. He was first elected to the Tbe legislature indefeating Liberal incumbent Hans Daigeler in the Ottawa-area riding of Nepean.
He became parliamentary assistant to the Chair of the Management Board of Cabinet protcol Apriland was promoted to parliamentary assistant to the Minister of Finance in November of the same year.
As a backbencher, Baird proposed a bill naming Highway as the "Veterans' Memorial Highway" and successfully steered its passage through the legislature. Baird joined Premier Harris's cabinet on June 17, prptocol, as Minister of Community and Social Serviceswhere he became responsible for implementing and expanding Ontario's workfare program. Baird's first press conference as a cabinet minister was held in Julyand was intended to highlight the Harris government's record in reducing the provincial welfare rolls.
He told reporters that 15, people had left the system since the introduction of workfare, and used this figure to argue that the government's progocol was a dif. A September report from Baird's ministry showed that 10, workfare placements had been created in the first six months ofa figure which the Toronto Star observed was significantly lower than that which had been predicted by the government. The contract, signed when Janet Ecker was Community and Social Services minister, entrusted Andersen with providing technological upgrades to the province's welfare management system.
Protlcol arrangement was criticized by Auditor General Erik Peterswho observed that there was nothing in the contract what did the kyoto protocol do prevent Andersen from increasing its hourly rates. In JanuaryBaird unveiled di series of initiatives designed to reduce fraud and misuse in the welfare system. This was highlighted by the establishment of a welfare fraud hotline  and a complementary conditionality three months later, in which anyone convicted of welfare fraud would run the risk of being given a lifetime ban from the program.
Baird expressed concern about the physical condition of these institutions, saying that their residents "deserve better". Baird supported mandatory drug-testing for welfare recipients and argued that those who refused such tests should be at risk whaat have their assistance cut off. He introduced a policy initiative to this effect at a press conference in latein which he dramatically cast a box of syringes onto the floor and said that his department planned to "stop people from shooting their welfare cheque up their arm, and to help them shoot up the ladder of success".
Shortly after Baird's announcement, a government website what did the kyoto protocol do by the Ministry of Community and Social Services launched an attack against Liberal Party leader Dalton McGuinty for opposing the drug testing plan. The site claimed that McGuinty was "opposed to helping welfare recipients who are addicted to drugs". Baird denied that the message was how to use colour therapy and what did the kyoto protocol do refused to apologize.
In earlyBaird announced that his government's proposed drug-testing plan would be extended to identify welfare recipients addicted to prescription drugs and alcohol. The woman had been confined to her apartment for three months and reports indicated that her pregnancy was "exacerbated by sweltering conditions in her apartment". Responding to criticism, Baird said that he could not comment on the specifics of the case until a coroner's inquest was completed.
Baird was given additional responsibilities as Minister responsible for Children on February 8, His department increased funding for child services early in the year, amid a significant increase in provincial demand. Baird initially declined to comment on the document's contents, but rejected its proposals in early Baird was the first cabinet minister to support Jim Flaherty 's campaign to succeed Mike Harris as Progressive Conservative leader in the party's leadership election.
Baird was returned to a more prominent cabinet position in August after Eves separated the ministries of Environment and Energy and appointed Baird to head the latter department. Baird was given additional responsibilities as Government House Leader in June after Chris Stockwell was forced to resign following allegations that he had used government funds for a family vacation.
As Energy Minister, What did the kyoto protocol do was entrusted with implementing the government's plan to sell off part of Ontario's Hydro One. The Energy ministry came under intense kjoto scrutiny in late after hydro rates increased significantly in many what did the kyoto protocol do of the province.
Critics argued that kyot Progressive Conservative government's price deregulation policy implemented before Baird became Energy Minister was responsible. Baird suggested that the rate increases resulted from an unusually hot summer.
The second and more fundamental reversal occurred whhat late Januarywhen Premier Eves announced that Hydro One would remain under public control. Baird was regarded as less combative as Energy Minister what time does the x factor come on 2012 he had been in Community and Div Services.
The energy policies of the Eves government were controversial, but opposition criticism was often directed at the premier rather than at Baird. Eves took a prominent interest in the Energy portfolio, and sometimes relegated Baird to a secondary role in policy announcements. The Ontario Liberal Party won a majority government in the electionalthough Baird was comfortably re-elected in his own seat. He opposed the imposition of a health premium by Dalton McGuinty 's government incharging that the Liberals broke an election pledge not the raise taxes.
At one stage, Baird described Curling's job performance as an "absolute disgrace". Baird co-chaired Jim Flaherty's second campaign to lead the Progressive Conservative party in Flaherty was again unsuccessful, losing on the second ballot to the more centrist John Tory. He supported same-sex marriage during the provincial electionand in helped whhat McGuinty government achieve quick passage of a provincial bill granting legal recognition to same-sex couples.
Baird supported a Canadian Alliance candidate in the federal election pfotocol, and later endorsed Stephen Harper 's bid to lead the newly formed Conservative Party of Canada in its prohocol what did the kyoto protocol do. John Pacheco later campaigned in the election as an "Independent conservative", with the specific intent of being a spoiler against Baird. He argued that if his campaign caused Baird to lose, the Conservatives would "get the message that social conservatives are serious about their politics.
Baird was elected, defeating Liberal candidate Lee Farnworth by about 5, votes. The Ottawa Citizen endorsed Baird in this campaign, whxt argued that his kyotl judgment had improved considerably since his tenure protocool a Harris di minister. Baird was appointed President of the Treasury Board on February 6, Following his appointment, he said that one of his priorities would be to prevent government jobs kuoto being relocated from Ottawa to other regions for political purposes.
Baird introduced the Conservative government's first piece of legislation in April The Accountability Act promised significant reform to the structure of Canadian politics and government. Prime Minister Harper said that it would "put an end to the influence of money" in the Canadian government.
The Accountability Act restricted the ability of former politicians and bureaucrats to proticol lobbyists, dic protection to whistle-blowers in the civil service and gave the Auditor General of Canada new powers of oversight.
Opposition MPs complained that several recommendations for access-to-information reform were omitted from the bill, and were instead sent to committee for further review. New Democratic Party MP Pat Martin suggested that this deferral could delay meaningful reform for the foreseeable future.
Information Commissioner John Reid criticized the new proposed powers for his department under the legislation, arguing that they would create unnecessary bureaucracy. He added that no government had ever put idd "a more retrograde and dangerous" set of proposals for dealing with access to information laws. Baird described Prohocol criticisms as "excessive", stating that most of the commissioner's diid concerns were minor in nature.
The bill passed the House of Commons on division in June The Senate of Canada approved it in Decemberwith several amendments, and sent it back to kyoo Commons for further consideration. The amended act was approved by the Commons without debate on December 8,  and was signed into law four days later.
Shortly after the bill first passed wat Commons, Baird acknowledged that the Conservatives might have what is 2 percent milk made of broken political financing laws by failing to report convention fees collected in One of the most controversial cuts was to the federal Court Challenges Programwhich provided funding for Canadians to pursue rights cases in the Canadian court system.
Baird indicated that the government would keep the funding at least until the November election, but added that the Council elected whwt November would have the final portocol on the issue.
An Ottawa Citizen report in January revealed that federal officials had not posed any objections to the light-rail project before Baird's intervention, and suggested that his involvement was political in nature. Baird denied this charge, saying koto his intervention was what is a four function calculator political.
Opponents how to sneak into vip at a concert the light-rail project have argued that it was undertaken dp sufficient consultation with the public. In Februaryit was reported that the House of Commons committee on government operations would be looking into his involvement over the case. MP and committee member Mark Holland voiced a concern that Baird leaked information on the contract.
Baird replied that he made the right decision and dismissed the investigation saying "there is no evidence of anything". Speaking to reporters he added kykto the announcement of the investigation: "If you protockl to avert a billion-dollar boondoggle, you have to make some difficult decisions".
Ontario cabinet minister David Caplan described Baird as a champion of waterfront renewal and Miller described him as an ally of the city. In making the appointment, Prime Minister Stephen Harper acknowledged that his government needed to do more to make the environment a priority.
At the time Suzuki said he was encouraged by Baird's approach, but remained skeptical of the Harper government's environmental plans. In Februarythe Liberal opposition brought forward a non-binding motion hwat Canada to renew its commitment to the Kyoto Protocol. All Conservative MPs who were present progocol the House, including Baird, voted against the motion, which passed with the support of the three opposition wnat. Among other things, the revised act called for participation in international carbon markets and the fulfillment of Kyoto targets.
Baird indicated that the opposition's changes would not be included in federal targets or regulations. In AprilBaird produced a federal what did the kyoto protocol do kyotp by five independent economists to support his approach to the Kyoto Protocol.
Among the five economists was Toronto-Dominion Bank chief economist Don Drummond, who also wrote a private letter to Baird arguing that the "economic cost [of implementing Kyoto] would be at least as deep as the recession in the early s.
Soon afterward, a United Nations report also contradicted the study mentioning that "steep dk in greenhouse gas emissions can be accomplished at a cost of only 0. Baird was the Harper government's representative at the release of ghe major United Nations report on climate change in Paris in February He described the report as a "turning point in the battle against climate change," while indicating his surprise that human activity was found to be a major cause of the phenomenon.
An additional source of Kyoto units is the “Assigned Amount Units” (AAUs) given to developed countries with targets under the protocol – effectively permits to emit a certain quantity of CO2. For some countries, weak targets or economic collapse has led to a large surplus of AAUs, often despite a lack of deliberate action to cut emissions.
It had been scheduled to wrap up on Friday. They also hoped to send a message of intent, signalling to the wider world that the UN climate process remains relevant — and that it recognises the yawning gap between current progress and global goals to limit warming.
This disconnect was highlighted by a huge protest march through the heart of the Spanish capital and by the presence of climate activist Greta Thunberg, who arrived from her transatlantic journey by sail just in time to make several high-profile appearances in the COP25 conference halls. The meeting was finally gavelled to a close at pm on Sunday.
At nearly 44 hours after its scheduled end of 6pm on Friday, this means COP25 became the latest-ever finish by beating COP17 in Durban, which had finished at 6. Despite this last-minute venue change, the event proceeded in much the same manner as previous COPs, characterised by drawn-out debates and all-night sessions in which negotiators and then ministers discussed jargon-filled texts.
Anything less wold be a betrayal of our entire human family and all generations to come. However, talks quickly became bogged down in technical issues, such as the rules for carbon market mechanisms, which have eluded completion for years.
There was a growing sense among many attendees of a disconnect between these slow, impenetrable UN processes and the action being demanded by protesters around the world. At the end of the first week, the young Swedish activist joined a march through central Madrid that organisers said drew half a million people although local police offered, without explanation, a far more modest estimate of 15, Later that day, around climate campaigners and indigenous rights activists — expressing frustration at the lack of progress — were ejected from the venue, following a protest outside the same plenary room where Thunberg had spoken just hours before.
A common refrain from protesters and observers was the discrepancy between the slow pace of the talks and the urgency suggested by the latest science. This point was hammered home by a new Global Carbon Project report a few days later, which showed emissions from fossil fuels and industry are expected to continue rising in and This apparent disconnect was highlighted further by the language used to describe the latest reports by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change IPCC , the first of which covered land , and the second oceans and cryosphere.
There were moves to raise ambition by some non-state actors at the COP with, for example, companies pledging to cut emissions in line with the 1. While most attention at the COP was focused on the tense negotiations and need to send a clear signal to countries on raising their climate ambition, the president did announce in the second week that 39 countries had committed to including oceans in their future NDCs.
Given that current NDCs are nowhere near enough to limit warming to 1. At COP24 in December , some parties tried, but ultimately failed to insert strong language on raising ambition. With COP25 being the final summit before the clock ticks over into the deadline year of , Madrid was seen by many as a last chance to secure increased ambition. This is also the year in which we have committed ourselves to announcing long-term cohesive strategies to achieve climate neutrality by As it stands, according to the World Resources Institute NDC tracker , just 80 countries — primarily, small and developing nations — have stated their intention to enhance their NDCs by , representing just All the biggest emitters are absent from this list.
Although Chile postponed its plans to enhance its NDC at COP25, some promising signs did emerge over the course of the conference, most notably a fresh signal from the European Union. To stick to this timetable, the new target must undergo a formal impact assessment by the end of the spring next year, say the NGOs.
They fear that if that timing slips then there will not be enough time to use the Leipzig meeting to pressure the Chinese to up their offer. These countries called for a particular focus on the failure of many developed countries to fulfil their climate pledges in the pre period, arguing that it was this failure that had left the world so far from meeting its aim of avoiding dangerous warming.
The grid is based on informal intelligence gathered by Carbon Brief in Madrid, as well as public interventions by negotiating alliances during the talks. Please get in touch with any feedback on the grid. Talks will resume at Bonn in June Delegates from small island states and African countries were among those expressing their disappointment with the entire process.
COP25 is a defining moment for us: it must trigger a decade of ambition. The group even called out Brazil, India and China as parties actively blocking ambitious outcomes in Article 6 discussions see below. As the Friday deadline for wrapping up the conference came and went, negotiators worked late into the night and on Saturday morning new texts emerged. The response was fast and largely uniform.
Though civil society observers had already described the previous round of ambition texts as weak, this new version was deemed to be even worse.
These sentiments were echoed in the plenary session that followed, in which nations lined up to express their disappointment with the latest offering, prompting promises from the Chilean presidency that they would reappraise and work on another round of texts. NGOs described the language as actively undermining the Paris Agreement, which they said was based on the premise that ambition would be strengthened over time via the ratchet mechanism.
Paragraph 7 in the CMA text is the lifeline which keeps alive the review and ratchet mechanism of the Paris Agreement, which is so vital for countries to enhance their climate action plans next year. This has yet to be ratified by enough parties, meaning it has not yet entered force. It contains emissions targets for developed countries, covering the years By the end of the talks, Article 6 had become one of the highest profile casualties of the negotiations.
With parties falling just short of reaching a deal, it will be taken up again at an intersessional meeting in June and at COP26 in November This high-stakes situation was a key reason for failure in Madrid.
What's it all about? Article 6. If these rules are well-implemented, supporters argue that Article 6 could unlock higher ambition or reduce costs, while drawing in the private sector and spreading finance, technology and expertise around the world. On the other hand, critics fear that weak rules could undermine already-insufficient ambition by allowing targets to be met on paper, even as levels of CO2 in the atmosphere continue to rise.
Reflecting the scale of the challenge they faced, talks on Article 6 progressed at a painfully slow pace through the two-week summit. Crunch political fights over how to handle the issues bulleted above remained more or less open , even on the day the talks were due to close.
The three parts of Article 6 are shown in shades of red and other parts — all of which were signed off at COP24 — are shown in shades of blue. Starting at square brackets before COP25 began, successive iterations of the Article 6 texts were released as the meeting went on. On 4 December the number of brackets dropped to , then fell again to a few days later. Therefore, they argue that safeguards must be included in Article 6, to avoid repeating the same mistakes.
Yazzie says:. The rules for the Article 6. On 9 December, negotiators for several of the key groups in the talks discussed the state of play at a side event held under the Chatham House rule. For markets to work they need to be credible and they need public support. Later on the same day Monday, 9 December , new texts were issued and the number of brackets increased to , with the previous iterations having gone too far in removing options favoured by some parties.
The extra brackets also fixed a number of errors introduced during all-night drafting by the secretariat. The presidency appointed ministers from New Zealand and Singapore, to facilitate ongoing efforts on Article 6. By the morning of Friday, 13 December — supposedly the final day of COP25 — new versions of the Article 6 texts were released, containing some brackets and all the big issues unresolved. He said Article 6. Late on Friday afternoon she told journalists:.
Not one of those seven issues has been resolved in the text. Much greater progress was made in texts released early on Saturday, 14 December, in which the number of outstanding brackets fell to just Nevertheless, the two most intractable stumbling blocks remained unresolved in these texts, namely the Kyoto transition and double-counting.
The text had been circulated privately at the pre-COP, but not published in an apparent attempt to allow consensus and compromise to form. Starting off with 12 countries, by the end of Saturday some 30 had signed up for these principles, including many EU member states, such as the UK and Germany.
Near-final versions of the Article 6 texts were then released in the small hours of Sunday morning, containing just one set of brackets each — in theory an indication that almost every part of the rules had been ironed out.
Tennant Read of trade body Australian Industry Group told Carbon Brief that the basis for future discussions will include all of the draft texts prepared by the Chilean COP presidency in Madrid, at the insistence of Brazil and with the support of the EU and others. This means that many issues apparently resolved in the near-final drafts released on Sunday are likely to be reopened when talks resume. To understand why consensus was not possible at COP25, the following sections break down each of four key decision points within Article 6.
The technical question was how to account for trade between countries with different types of NDC, given some target an emissions budget across multiple years and others aim for a particular level in a single target year. If accounted for inappropriately, then trading under Article 6. It sets out several approaches to accounting, which parties can choose from, such as averaging the quantity of traded emissions across all years.
The text also says that further approaches to accounting can be put forward by parties and included in the rulebook, if determined by a subsequent COP to have met its requirements. Although ostensibly also a matter of good bookkeeping, Brazil, in particular, was insistent that countries hosting emissions-cutting projects under Article 6.
In more than a dozen interviews focusing on Article 6, Carbon Brief received almost as many different explanations. One source suggested even the Brazilians themselves might not understand the position, while others said that on some matters there were differences between the negotiating team, officials in Brasilia and the relatively new government ministers of far-right president Jair Bolsonaro.
He said that the heart of the matter was a different understanding of the meaning of an NDC, which was never clearly defined or agreed on. In his view, an NDC was made up of a set of government policies and programmes, rather than — as understood by others — a particular target to cut CO2.
In this case, he argued, any private sector activity resulting in Article 6. Most other parties disagree, seeing the central question in terms of the aggregate impact on the atmosphere. From this perspective, any trade in offsets must be properly accounted for. As talks in Madrid moved into overtime, the matter was one of several outstanding issues still holding up progress.
In the relevant part of the near-final text pdf for Article 6. However, the length of the opt-out was not fixed and would have been subject to a future decision of the COP. Glossary CO 2 equivalent: Greenhouse gases can be expressed in terms of carbon dioxide equivalent, or CO 2 eq. For a given amount, different greenhouse gases trap different amounts of heat in the atmosphere, a quantity known as the global warming potential. Carbon dioxide equivalent is a way of comparing emissions from all greenhouse gases, not just carbon dioxide.
Close CO 2 equivalent: Greenhouse gases can be expressed in terms of carbon dioxide equivalent, or CO2eq. For a given amount, different greenhouse gases trap different amounts of heat in the atmosphere, a quantity known as… Read More. Why those countries in particular, I hear you ask? The EU and vulnerable countries were firmly against the transition of Kyoto units.
In addition, a supply in the billions of tonnes would far exceed demand , meaning prices under Article 6 would also be low. This would diminish the incentive for additional private-sector investment in the scheme, cutting off potential financial flows to the very countries that wanted to benefit from participation in the first place.
For some countries, weak targets or economic collapse has led to a large surplus of AAUs, often despite a lack of deliberate action to cut emissions. No other country has explicitly said that it intends to use AAUs towards its Paris goals. Several other countries, including Russia and Poland, retain a surplus of AAUs and might be expected to try to use them in some circumstances.